from www.time.com, reprinted in Garden State Environmental News re: George Dumbya Bush...(oops) :prop:
HOW BUSH GETS HIS WAY ON THE ENVIRONMENT
Date: 030120
From: http://www.time.com/
WITH THE NATION DISTRACTED BY TERRORISM AND THE ECONOMY, THE PRESIDENT
HAS QUIETLY MANEUVERED TO CHALLENGE LIMITS ON DRILLING, MINING,
LOGGING AND POWER GENERATION
By Terry McCarthy, Time Magazine, Jan. 27, 2003
As she ascends to a 4,500-ft.-high ridgeline overlooking the Kern
River in the California Sierras, Ruby Johnson Jenkins says she smells
trouble. Stretching out before her is a vast panorama of blackened
slopes, a grim legacy of the fire last August that burned more than
150,000 acres of the Sequoia National Forest. But it isn't the charred
timber that makes her wrinkle her nose. The ill odor, she says, is
coming from Washington, specifically from President George W. Bush's
controversial plan to increase logging in national forests in the name
of reducing the risk of fires.
"There are two battles for this forest," says the sprightly Jenkins,
77, who has co-written three books on hiking the Sierras. "The first
was the fire itself. Now there's the battle to save the trees." Not
everything in the forest burned. Clumps of oaks still show green
against the blackened slopes, and the fire stopped short of the
ancient stands of sequoias. But among the Forest Service's restoration
options is a plan to take out as much as 10 million board feet of
timber from Sequoia National Monument. Although some ecologists say
it's a necessary treatment for forests that will wither without
resuscitation, from the mouths of Bush allies, it smells rotten to
many environmentalists. "It seems as if they've been looking for an
opportunity to log," says Jenkins, "and the fires have suddenly handed
them a way to get around the usual restrictions."
If she is right, it is yet another example of how the Bush
Administration has managed to get what it wants on the environment.
For two years, the President has found ways to bypass restrictions on
oil and gas drilling, mining, logging and coal-fired power generation.
Within days of the Republican gains of last November's elections, the
Administration stepped up what critics view as an all-out assault on
the environment with a series of pronouncements: that snowmobiles
could operate in Yellowstone National Park, oil drilling could expand
in Padre Island National Seashore in Texas, the National Marine
Fisheries Service would ease salmon protections in the Pacific
Northwest, and Washington would soften rules on logging and energy
conservation. Opponents predict a new wave of even bolder measures in
the coming months that could affect water and air quality and renew
efforts to open Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) to oil
drilling. In response to the critics, White House spokesman Scott
McClellan says, "There are a number of alarmist groups out there that
are trying to promote fear in order to boost their own fund raising."
Bush has paid a low political price for his aggressive steps, partly
because his opponents have been largely ineffectual: environmental
groups ritually accuse the Administration of trying to reverse three
decades of environmental policies, but they are preaching mostly to
the converted. Earlier this month, the attempt by Senators John McCain
and Joe Lieberman to launch a bill to limit greenhouse gases met with
stern disapproval from the White House - and little apparent interest
from the public. Although Americans as a whole are uneasy about the
President's environmental stewardship - a CBS News/New York Times poll
taken in November said 46% of Republicans and 72% of Democrats thought
that the Federal Government should do more to regulate environmental
and safety practices in business - there is scant sign of public
outrage on any single issue.
This is partly due, no doubt, to the more immediate threats
preoccupying the nation. Green issues played almost no role in the
midterm elections. "The environment is not going to be the defining
issue in an election when terrorism, war and a limping economy are
stacked on top of it," says Philip Clapp, president of the National
Environmental Trust. And it's partly owing, surely, to the fact that
conservationists have been crying wolf for too long: by opposing every
tree- cutting and development project across the West, they have
diluted their credibility on the big issues.
But credit Bush for a successful strategy, in particular for having
learned from previous mistakes. When former House Speaker Newt
Gingrich used Republican control of Congress to assault regulations
governing mining, oil drilling and air and water pollution in his 1994
Contract with America, the measures were quickly derailed in committee
or vetoed by President Bill Clinton. "Gingrich thought he had a
mandate to push antienvironmental measures, and he just put a huge
bull's-eye on his back," says Scott Stoermer, communications director
for the League of Conservation Voters.
Bush, by contrast, has learned to stand oblique to the current of
public opinion on the environment, allowing criticism to slide off his
back. His lieutenants in Interior, Agriculture and the Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) have quietly focused on the regulatory route,
using administrative guidance and legal loopholes to achieve what
Gingrich could not obtain in the full glare of the legislative
process. "They are rejecting the full-frontal-assault approach that
gets a lot of media attention in favor of death by a thousand strokes
of the pen," contends Stoermer. The Republicans are also learning how
to spin environmental issues in their direction. In a confidential
document distributed to G.O.P. Governors and members of Congress just
before last November's elections, Republican pollster Frank Luntz
advised party members to refer to themselves as "conservationists."
The document said, "The first (and most important) step to
neutralizing the [Republican environmental] problem and eventually
bringing people around to your point of view on environmental issues
is to convince them of your 'sincerity' and 'concern.'"
Instead of announcing new logging quotas, for example, Bush traveled
to Oregon last August to announce the Healthy Forests Initiative.
Judicious thinning of trees - which the Forest Service calls
"management-caused changes in vegetation"--would prevent the fires
that were raging across the West, he suggested, pointing to ecological
research. It was left to bureaucrats to explain later that the
initiative would provide for the logging of trees as much as 30 in. in
diameter and would make it easier for forest managers to circumvent
time-consuming environmental- impact statements when drawing up
logging plans.
But ecologists' views vary widely on the right ways to manage
forests. Wally Covington, a Northern Arizona University professor,
believes the President's forest- restoration project is on the right
track, although he acknowledges the potentially corrupting role of
private logging interests. "Suspicions are not unfounded, based on
history, that when you start [restoring], commercial interests might
be the tail that wags the dog," he says. "None of us in conservation
ecology want to see that happen."
When more intractable environmental disputes arise, the
Administration tends to shunt them toward its allies in Congress.
Bush's recent proposals on amending the Clean Air Act allow older
power plants to avoid installing costly pollution controls that are
mandatory for newer ones. The White House says the plan will encourage
old power plants to pollute less, but environmentalists say it's a
free ticket for power generators to keep polluting. Nine states are
suing the government to block the proposal, and it will also face a
strong battle in Congress. The EPA's announcement two weeks ago that
it was considering scaling back protections under the Clean Water Act
was equally controversial. And attempts to open the ANWR to drilling
are likely to set off another fierce struggle. The new chairman of the
Senate Energy Committee, Pete Domenici of New Mexico, said last week
that he would try to attach the anwr proposal to the budget bill,
which would deny Democrats the chance to filibuster (the budget bill
requires a simple majority to pass).
Despite its loyalties to the extractive industries, the
Administration ultimately runs on political expediency, not
ideological conviction. When Bush's decision to drop a Clinton-
introduced standard on arsenic in drinking water caused a public stir
in 2001, the President quickly reversed his position to avoid wasting
political capital. Although several recent court rulings have gone
against Bush - blocking attempts by the Administration to start
logging in 58.5 million acres of areas declared roadless by Clinton,
drill off the coast of California and explore for oil and gas near
Utah's Arches and Canyonlands National Parks - the Administration has
tried to find ways to fight back. Many of these efforts are being led
by Bush appointees in Interior and Agriculture who came from the
industries they now regulate. "They were very familiar with the
regulations they wanted changed," says Gloria Flora, a Clinton-era
supervisor of the Lewis and Clark Forest in Montana. "These people
were on a mission from the day they walked in the door."
How far they will get is uncertain, particularly as the President
becomes preoccupied with a possible war in the Middle East and an
election campaign next year. "Every corporate lobbyist is faxing their
legislators' offices, saying, We need to get everything out of 2003,
because 2004 is too close to the elections," says Clapp of the
National Environmental Trust.
Ruby Johnson Jenkins, who routinely takes 10-mile hikes, will keep
trying to save the 30-in. trees in the forest she has known for years.
"They'll have meetings, and I'll go, and I'll write letters," she
says. "I have to. I consider this my forest, not theirs."
Unfortunately for Jenkins, the Bush Administration doesn't appear to
agree.
- - -
AIR THE BUSH PLAN would decrease sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide and
mercury emissions from power plants via the Clear Air Initiative
CRITICS SAY it makes no mention of carbon dioxide, considered a major
cause of global warming
WATER THE BUSH PLAN would reduce the bodies of water protected by the
EPA, freeing the land for development
CRITICS SAY it could leave 20% of the country's waters unprotected and
agricultural waste insufficiently regulated, as at this hog farm, left
LAND THE BUSH PLAN is for the Bureau of Land Management to facilitate
increased oil and gas drilling across the West
CRITICS SAY environmental damage to such sensitive areas as the
Arctic, left, and the Rocky Mountain Front is too high a price to pay
LOGGING THE BUSH PLAN proposes to reduce the fire danger in forests by
thinning trees as much as 30 in. in diameter
CRITICS SAY that it's actually a veiled attempt to bypass restrictions
and increase commercial logging in the U.S.'s 155 national forests
NATIONAL PARKS THE BUSH PLAN overrides a Clinton ban by allowing
snowmobiles to operate in Yellowstone National Park
CRITICS SAY snowmobiles disturb wildlife, create noise and pollution
and are opposed by local park-service officials and 80% of public
comments
* * *
With reporting by Dan Cray/Kernville, Pat Dawson/Billings and Eric
Roston and Adam Zagorin/Washington
Copyright (c) 2003 Time Inc. All rights reserved.


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